Tom Facchine – The Real Reason Netanyahu Is In America
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Tom.
We haven't been spending the last week or
whatever together, but,
just heard the news. Biden Yeah. Despite being,
you know, just a few days ago, youthful
firebrand, he's finally
he's finally Could have a president.
Get out of the presidential race. I went
off my commiserations. I know he must be
so Absolutely devastated. Yeah. So now that abandoned
Biden campaign is probably finished as completed, now
you can move for your support behind
Kamala Harris. Right?
No. This is actually both, a tremendous challenge
and a tremendous opportunity, what's happened now with
the unfolding sort of presidential election.
What is promising
is that there's no doubt that the agitation
and the organization
around,
the issue of Palestine
and Biden's support
and active participation in the genocide
has been a major factor in him stepping
down. Don't let anybody fool you. Like, yes.
It's true. He really flopped at the debate.
Yes. But he's been mentally like this for
quite some time, and it wasn't a problem
until recently.
You know? So this is, it's a an
accumulation of forces.
Right? And if you look at let's say,
there's one straw that breaks the camel's back.
Let's say that there's a 100 straws on
top of that camel. Right? Many of those
straws are Gaza and Palestine and what's been
going on. So it is something of a
victory
in the sense that we have we have
agitated enough,
on Palestine
where, okay,
you know, we haven't been able to actually
stop the genocide, unfortunately.
However, we have caused a shift
in the political landscape landscape by contributing to
the factors that caused Biden to step down.
Now what's uniquely challenging about that is that
now
well, it's a challenge and an opportunity as
I said. Now the Democratic party is
maneuvering to back Kamala Harris, who is just
as bad, every bit as bad as Biden
on Palestine. Don't let anybody tell you any
different.
And so we now have the opportunity that's
here is to really make this election a
referendum on Palestine.
Right? Because
if we
run back
to if Muslims throw their support behind Kamala
Harris,
it will send the message
that,
really or let's say the narrative that the
media will take away from that was that
it really was about Biden's mental acuity. It
really was about his memory. He wasn't still
on the a Palestine wasn't as significant. Right?
It will be able the media is already
trying to do this. Right? It's already trying
to
spin the narrative that this is mostly about
Biden's ability to win, and it's mostly about
his, you know, his his mental sort of
presence or lack thereof. That by eliminating those
factors, now we have we're likely gonna have
Harris as the nom as the nominee, and
the Democratic party living up to its name
as the undemocratic party is doing every dirty
trick in the book to make sure that
Harris gets the nomination
in the party, and they're trying to not
let it go to an open convention that
would, you know, allow some competition.
I'm on WhatsApp groups with delegates within the
Democratic party. I just spy. I'm just a
lurker where I they literally doing things that
people are considering suing the Democratic party. They're
they're
every dirty rotten trick in the book, they
are pulling to attempt to make this a
non contest. So there's still a chance that
someone else might run? There is a chance.
It will depend on what happens at the
convention.
There are When's that?
August. In August. So so it's upcoming.
But it looks like an outside shot. It
looks like the Democratic party is going to
they've quickly moved to try to throw their
support behind Harris.
They are trying to downplay
Palestine, though both sides recognize the reason, and
this is another win for the Muslims.
Both sides recognize the win excuse me. The
need to give lip service to the Palestinian
cause. Why would Donald Trump
release on the same week that he's about
to meet with Netanyahu?
Why would he release
the letter that Mahmoud Abbas sent to him?
And obviously Abbas is a very problematic figure.
Right? He's basically a sell out of Palestine,
but he releases the get well soon card
that Mahmoud Abbas sends to Trump. Why would
he do that? He would not do that
if he didn't want to pander just a
little bit to the people who are supporting
Palestine in order so he can play both
sides. Why would Kamala Harris
not show up or
schedule to be elsewhere
at the same time when Netanyahu is going
to be addressing congress?
Right? While still having a private meeting with
him. She I mean, they're
very much trying to have their cake and
eat it too. And some people, you know,
the the lesson to take away from this
is not just that politicians are horrible people
and they're hypocrites, which is true. The lesson
to take away from this is that they
wouldn't be doing that if there wasn't serious
power and they're being really afraid. Even that
look at Netanyahu and look at his actions,
the fact that he's coming all the way
to the US, the fact that many of
the congressmen,
decided not to show up and not all
of them were Democrats. Some of them were
Republicans as well. The fact that there was,
that He got 50 something standing ovation zone.
He did. That's true. And that's the narrative
that he will spin. And just like APAC
tries to make up funny numbers about we're
undefeated in elections, not true. APAC had significant
losses this, and they're much more hemmed in
than they've ever been. There's so much more
attention on them. So you have to understand,
like Doing performativity. It's all trying to portray
a certain narrative that their victory is inevitable.
And create the narrative. It's a exactly. They're
trying to manifest it. They're trying to speak
it into being. So you can't take them
at face value. Netanyahu is panicking. Right? That's
why he's come that's why,
Ben Gavir, I think it was, that announced
his sort of, like, endorsement of Trump. Netanyahu,
you know, scheduled this meeting with Trump and
other things that he's been doing. He I
think he he he made some overtures
because he's afraid of what Trump is going
to do. Don't let anybody he said out
loud that we're I think we we want
Trump as a as a president. He's very
calculated. He knows what this is going to
do within the US political space. He knows
that it's going to create the situation where,
you know, people are now going to throw,
you know, the fear mongering of a Trump
presidency, which they're very, very serious, you know,
threats.
But that they're going to leverage that to
push people back to Democrats,
who have been, you know, in some ways
well, let let's just be very explicit. They
have been the executors of the genocide, As
Rifat Al Arie said in his last tweet
before he was, martyred that don't get it
twisted, not his words, my words, that the
people responsible for the genocide are Biden and
Democratic Party. Anyway, all this is saying that
they are scared. The politicians are scared. The
pro Palestinian activism has done something serious.
The the issues the Overton window has shifted.
The things that we're allowed to talk about
now in public were not allowed to be
talked about up until up until now. The
level of criticism being leveled at Israel right
now is unprecedented. The level
of, being willing to reassess the relationship with
Israel. Like, yes, we see that right now
there's still a, a united front congress about
supporting or whatever, but it's cracking, like, it's
cracking sideways. It's time to throw in the
towel. Not at all. Now is the time
to actually and this is what the Muslim
sellouts who want to run back to Harris
don't see that this is when you
press on the gas. This is when you
actually push further. They are in retreats. They
are backpedaling.
That's not when you some of the people
I've seen, you know, say, like, well, now
Trump is such a threat to democracy. We
have to support Harris, and we need to
get ironclad agreements from her or ironclad promises
from her or ironclad concessions for you can't
get ironclad concessions or promises from a Zionist,
Like, that's not how it works. So, you
know, this is very stupid. It's very naive.
It's exactly that type of And if you
want if you want influence, you have to
pose some kind of credible threat. Exactly. Exactly.
So we we and I've was just arguing
today. We're here at the museum in, Kuala
Lumpur. I was on my phone arguing with
people in WhatsApp chats. Exactly proving this point
is that you have to be able to
deliver a credible threat if you want to
influence people in power. It's not about likability.
It is politics is not about likability. It's
not that let's ingratiate ourselves to Harris and
maybe then she'll give us something on Palestine.
That is not how it works. You ingratiate
yourself to somebody. It's humiliation. They take you
for granted. They say, oh, I've got these
Muslims. They're not gonna go to Trump. They're
afraid of Trump. And then they will do
nothing for you. You have aborted your leverage.
You've given it all up. We have leverage,
but we have to hold on to it.
Now is not the time to let it
go and say, okay. Well, now we're gonna
go with Harris. Maybe she'll be better on
Palestine. She'll be just as bad. Now we
hold on to our leverage. We say, no.
Abandon Harris too and abandon anybody else who's
going to do it. Trump will will pay
attention as well. Even if he wins, he
will pay attention to that, and then it
will continue to change what's possible within the
political landscape. What is there a possibility that
somebody,
you know, else gets chosen as a democratic
candidate who's who's materially different?
Here's how things work. You push things
so hard that the establishment will try to
give you
the least bad option for itself. Okay? And
then it will continue to give you lesser
slightly lesser bad options, slightly lesser bad. So
their first move is Harris because Harris is
essentially Biden 2.0. She's a younger, more identity
politic, you know, politically correct version of Biden.
Okay? Mhmm. If we continue to press our
advantage,
the Democratic party is stupid enough to still
go with Harris and and lose the election,
which they will if they go with Harris.
They will lose the election.
But let's say in a in a in
a some sort of scenario,
they decide, oh, wow. Like, these Muslims aren't
playing around. Like, they really are abandoning Democrats.
Like, it will cause us to lose. Let's
say then they'll probably go with someone like
a Gavin Newsom, somebody who is a like,
incrementally
less bad, like or at least pretends to
be less bad. Right? And then if you
keep pushing, they'll offer someone else. And you
keep pushing and they'll offer somebody else. But
that's the thing is that there's not going
to be,
how do you get a materially better situation
for the Muslims? That's the open ended question.
Materially not worse. Yeah. Materially not worse. And
that is by not giving up your leverage
And for the the the thing right now
is to make sure that the Democrats lose.
I don't see them going to somebody who's
substantively better to the point where we would
actually vote for them. And even if they
did, you know, there's the question of yeah.
They need to be punished. Right? Punish Democrats.
Yeah. No. It is. It's a punish labor,
punish Democrats sort of thing. Why? Are we
just spiteful? Are we not, like, concerned about
the the concerns that Trump raises? Trump's a
threat to democracy. Look, Biden's a threat to
democracy too. Right? People forget this that, you
know, the things that that Trump does the
thing that's the things that Trump does out
loud, Biden and Obama do secretly. Wow. Alright?
Like, very much so. And people who don't
pay attention to that, you know,
you need to pay attention to that. That
Obama is the one who droned US citizens
abroad. Right? Like, Obama is the one who
started CVE. Right? That this is not, and
this is not an praise of Trump whatsoever,
but there's a difference here that
Biden and the democratic party right now are
committed to Zionism. Okay? How do you go
about getting them to rethink that commitment?
I mean, it's amazing that he would rather
sacrifice or step down, sacrifice his own second
term potentially.
He's rather do that than
come out against the genocide. Right. Well, he's
he's again, he's a committed Zionist, and he
knows he doesn't believe in Muslim political power
right now. And you couldn't blame him for
that because we haven't demonstrated that we can
do it, which is actually why we need
to punish and make sure the democrats lose
even if it means Trump winning. Right?
Not because we like Trump, not because we
think that we're actually better allies of the
right or anything like that, but just for
the fact that we need to send a
political message, we need to make supporting Zionism
and supporting the genocide of Muslims so politically
costly that everybody knows that this is a
red line. If you cross it, you will
lose the next election. Doesn't matter if you're
a Republican. Doesn't matter if you're a Democrat.
Doesn't matter if you're up ballot, down ballot.
Trump's a Zionist too. No? He's not in
the same way that Biden is. Like, Trump
is an opportunist. He's a chameleon. He only
believes in himself, and we've seen that. Trump
Trump or Harris, which is gonna be worse
for or better for or less bad for
Muslims in the US Well and and the
world give you We don't have a crystal
ball. You know, we can't say that concretely,
but let's say that when it comes to
the opportunities
to to to influence them,
you have to say that somebody who's an
opportunist,
you you might have more opportunities to influence
them than somebody who's ideologically committed to something.
Okay. Harris' you know, husband is, is a
Zionist. You know, like, she's,
you know, look at her her APAC contributions.
Look at her speeches, her groveling speeches to
APAC. Right? It's like she's very committed to
this thing.
Trump is a mixed bag, like, he is
on everything. Sometimes he says things and you're
like, wow. That's kind of interesting. Like, how
he said that Netanyahu is not a good
faith actor. And that's why Netanyahu is a
little bit afraid of Trump and why he's
trying to patch that up right now. That,
you know, he has said that
the perception that the United States is not
a neutral arbiter in Palestine Israel prevents it
from being a,
basically a source of arbitration.
You can't be an arbiter if you're skewed
towards one side. He said that. It was
now in he received so much backlash from
saying that that then he felt like he
needed to pander, and so then he moved
the embassy to to Jerusalem. Right? But the
thing is that Trump is a loose cannon.
Okay? He's someone who only believes in his
own survival,
and so you can create a situation with
him.
Though it takes work, so we might not
be able whether we do that work or
not is a different question, but you could
create a situation on which Trump says, you
know what? It's not worth it to support
Netanyahu, to support, you know, this or whatever,
you know, depending on,
depending on the circumstance. Whereas, I see that
as much less likely with Harris.
Now that being said, you know, Trump
Trump poses unique challenges that Harris doesn't. Okay?
This is not like to rehabilitate Trump as
a as a political actor that he's somehow
beneficial to Muslims. It will be hard. But
we've survived 4 years of Trump,
back when it was harder and less favorable.
Right? And now Muslim political power is on
the rise, and so another 4 years of
Trump, we can't assume that it's going to
be exactly the same. Even the right, even
the political right is not exactly the same
as it was in 2016.
We have people that are
slowly starting to question and reevaluate the United
States relationship with Israel, the people of and
people, you know, they they
do what you want. Sorry if it triggers
you, but the Candace Owens's of the world,
the Tucker Carlson's of the world, like, there's
a thawing. And that's something that we don't
benefit, and I've talked about this elsewhere, you
know, we won't talk about here, but Muslims
don't benefit themselves at all from jumping into
the left or the right. Like, we need
to actually
play the middle and play both sides in
a way that's strategic to ourselves. So is
it there's a is there no way, like,
in UK where there's a possibility for a
space for independence to emerge? Not yet because
our election laws are very draconian, and they've
been our election laws have been written by
the Democratic and Republican Party, so you can
imagine they really disfavor third parties. In fact,
in just the last couple years,
those election laws have gotten even harder on
third parties. So that means that getting into
a televised debate, right, getting on the ballot
in certain states, this is something that's extremely
hard for a third party to do. We
as Muslims have a vested interest in creating
a situation where that's less hard to do,
which brings up the possibility of voting 3rd
party or or whatever. Right? But the point
is that right now,
it's not
it's not going to get someone elected.
Okay? You can't run as an independent for
a presidential. You can't run as a green
party. Like, you can't anyone else
for another any any other, positions
of influence, like maybe mayors or local. Yes.
Locally. Absolutely. And and locally, like, we have
seen success. And that's why, you know, Muslims
have to pay attention to the grassroots nature
of building political power. It's a mistake to
throw up some sort of savior to congress
at the federal level and think that they're
going to when you don't have any power
base underneath them. Yeah. You've basically just taken
someone from your own community, perhaps in the
best case scenario, and handed them over to
the Democratic party. Now they're responsible to the
Democratic party. Subject to all the forces that
exist there. They don't have they don't have
any leverage to not be. Right? Like, they
don't have any funding outside. The Democratic party
pays for their campaign. Right? The Democratic Party
sets their agenda. So what are they gonna
do? Right? So the long term solution, yes,
there needs to be a grassroots power building
from the bottom up, whether it's school boards,
city councils, you know, mayors, and then state
legislatures as well, you know, state supreme courts,
like, the there's state, you know, governance as
well. And then
that it is going to create the base
and the cover to protect
a federal sort of level political intervention from
from Muslims.
So what does
what does Biden's dropout mean for Trump?
I think it still plays in his hands.
I think that he would have had an
in some sense, he would have an easier
time beating Biden. Like, he ran around ran
around him in circles when it came to
the debate.
Trump is relies on insult and personal insult,
and and there are certain advantages. Like, Biden
is so obviously bad that it's, you know,
that Trump would have a field day.
Harris is still very bad. Like, she's very
lukewarm, milquetoast. She doesn't have a strong personality.
She's a very bad track record when it
comes to the African American community and criminalization
and, like, and sort of policing or over
policing.
She has she's just not a strong personality,
so he will he will poach upon that.
She has she has tried to leverage her
identity politics, you know, for her,
but, honestly, it doesn't come off as authentic.
She comes off as very fake, right, and
very sort of opportunistic and not really having
strong much of anything.
So he will still be very successful discursively
against her in a debate or something like
that.
So, but the other aspect is basically the,
the disarray that the Democratic party is in.
This is the only time this has happened.
This has never happened in history.
Right? There was an example in the sixties
of Lyndon Johnson
not running again on the same ticket even
though he was incumbent,
but he stepped down in May.
Right? This is so late in the game.
The Democratic convention is next month.
It's not even settled yet. Is it going
to be Harris, or is it going to
be an open convention? The Democratic Party is
definitely in disarray. It's chaos, and any of
that benefits Trump. That's why actually Trump has
been very sort of almost hands off, letting
the Democrats hang themselves, so to speak, because
they're so
they're so spiteful towards popular will despite their
name, and also,
you know, just sort of malevolent, conniving,
of malevolent, conniving political force. He almost doesn't
have to do anything. Yeah. Like, I almost
think that Trump, if he just keeps on
Just keep your mouth up. Keep your mouth
up. Avoid any, like, major gaps Yeah. And
he'll win. Right? He'll probably have other opportunities
to capitalize on mistakes that the Democratic Party
will continue to make. So imagine if if
Trump wins, what's the plan then? What do
you foresee for Muslims to take the the
campaign to the next level for Muslim empowerment,
political?
There's a couple things. One thing people are
talking about, people are talking about obstruction.
Right? And I think that there is reason
to there there that that has a point.
What does that mean? Obstruction means that basically
you want to create a scenario in which,
yes, Trump is the president, but he is
undermined and made ineffective by the makeup of
the house and the makeup of the senators.
So if you have a very mixed congress
that's, you know, even that has, you know,
a strong democratic presence, he won't have a
rubber stamp from congress or whatever he wants
to do. That's one school of thought. I
think that that has merit. I think that
there is a room for a strategy of
obstruction.
I think that something else that has to
happen is that Muslims again need to get
over their fear
of engaging
the Thomas Massis of the world.
Thomas Massi is a Republican
congressman from Kentucky,
and he is somebody who is principled enough
that APAC tried to to primary him. Right?
He's very critical of Israel and APAC. Well,
some people say he's not critical of Israel,
but he's critical of u US military aid
going to Israel in the way it is.
Yeah. So this is something of a Rawlsian
consensus where he doesn't support
our issues in for the same reasons that
we would support our issues, but his isolationism,
his America first, whatever, his, you know, sort
of,
against money and politics sort of things, puts
him in the crosshairs of Israel and APAC.
Right? Now what did when he was getting
primaried by AIPAC, meaning that AIPAC was going
to run someone against him in his own
republican primary election to try to replace him,
what did the Muslim community do for him?
0.
Nothing. Right? We see they have the ability
to do anything for him anyway. They do.
Even if it's a fucking look at what
the Muslims are doing for people like in
the progressive branch of the democratic party such
as the the Ilhan Omar's and the Cori
Bushes and the Jamaal Bowmans. It was all
hands on deck. Let's throw fundraisers. Let's, like,
get out the vote. Let's do canvassing. Right?
You don't have any any of that. And
I understand that it won't be the same
energy. Right? But
I think that it's a strategic mistake
to not do any of that. Because, again,
I think that those types of Republicans, those
types of conservatives
that are not
I I was in a WhatsApp group, and
this was brought up.
And you know what? So one Muslim said
in response, they said, oh, but he's pro
gun.
As if that were I don't mind after
my one visit to Texas. Yeah. So are
you. Right? So am I. I'm pro gun.
Right? It's like I have I have guns.
You know, it's like like this is not
like so this is this is talking about
it. No. I yeah. I'm but this is
a strategic failure. Right? That's a strategic a
failure to think strategically is that, you know,
gun issues,
first of all, the Muslim community is not
of one voice on that. 2nd of all,
it is not a priority when compared to
Palestine. Right? And so if you have someone
who
we now it's true that we have to
articulate our issues and our priorities because there's
other issues where now things maybe are more
complicated. But that's a a very, very simple
be simplistic. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. So yeah. Exactly.
Nobody's gonna be perfect. You can't dismiss
better for an ideal. Right? You don't have
perfect be the enemy of good. Right? So
we could have done something Pragmatic. Yeah. Pragmatic.
It would have perhaps changed the calculus.
What and this is okay. So this is
the example I give the Muslims. They did
not win then. No. He won. Okay. Despite
the Muslims doing nothing for him, he won.
And this is why I say, you know,
a lot of Muslims, they say, we need
a Muslim APAC. I said, okay. But you
don't realize what the strategy of APAC is.
It's not just about APAC throwing money into
politics, though that's part of it.
APAC knows that it has natural support from
the right, from the neocons,
and from the evangelical right.
They know that their support is not automatic
on the left,
And so that's where they put their money.
Right? Enemies. To their enemies. Central enemies. Keep
your enemy closer. Yeah. Yeah. Keep your friend
closer, enemy closer.
If a Muslim version of APAC would exist,
where would we put our money?
I mean, wherever you put it, you'd probably
get accusations of being You would. That sell
out. But this is why we're not thinking
strategically. We're thinking very, very naively, to be
frank. It's like there are people on the
left that will support Palestine
whether we support them or not because that
that's their politics, their progressive politics or justice
Democrats or whatever. There are several different sort
of camps in the left. Okay?
Don't we have a a vested interest in
developing Mhmm.
And assisting even those elements on the right
that are in our favor? That would truly
be analogous to doing what APAC does. But
you can't even have that conversation amongst Muslims
without being accused of being a fascist or
not understand I don't know. Like, whatever their
excuses
are. So that's the thing. We we have
opportunity.
I think that these dynamics
and those dynamics especially would change the character
of
a 4 years of Trump. Yeah. And that's
not to say that it's going to be
Pax Americana. We're going to be having a
great time. But
if you have Republicans in congress, let's say,
that were supported by Muslims
because they were primaried by APAC,
then Trump tries to do something against Muslims,
which he will at some point.
What do you think is gonna happen in
congress?
Right?
We're missing opportunities here. So obstruction is 1.
Obstruction is 1, and then sort of cultivating
again in a non ideologically limited way. Cultivating
on both sides people who are
willing to act within our interests.
Uh-huh. You know? What what should Muslims in
the US and elsewhere
do to utilize the shift and or the
the tremors in the over to window?
I think one thing that's very important, and
this is, again, something that we were talking
about, not getting pigeonholed into the left or
the right. Mhmm. If the if the issue
of Palestine or Muslim issues,
the right stops any solidarity with Muslims by
portraying us as part of the left. Mhmm.
Right? We're part of the woke crowd. We're
part of Antifa. We're part of, you know,
the the
coalition of minorities that's going to come and
replace, like, their way of life. As long
as we're construed as that, it's the major
obstacle to the right having solidarity with with
anybody who's Muslim or or Muslim issues.
Right? This is the strategic weakness in allowing
ourselves to get sucked into just being a
prop for the left. And right now, the
Muslims, make my mistake, are a prop for
the left. The left have not look at
the camera. The left have not delivered for
the Muslims. They have not delivered anything for
the Muslims other than rhetoric and symbolic victories.
All the queers for Palestine or the whatever
progressives, they have done nothing
tangible to stop the genocide. They've done nothing
tangible to stop. Some people have come out
and support, but they have not delivered
anything. And so why should we be beholden
to whatever they say our allies should be
or whoever they say we should be talking
to or whoever they say we should be
working When what's our ROI? Our ROI on
that political relationship is very low. It's not
0, but it's very low. Right? So, you
know, we have to be very careful to
not allow ourselves to get sucked into the
culture wars of left versus right, of globalist
versus nationalist.
We actually our issues transcend that, and our
platform transcends that. And we have to be
able to keep that ground in order to
be taken seriously by either side and in
order to have enough sort of strategic leverage
that we can actually get wins, that we
can actually get results and not just promises.
So what's your kind of final message to
the Muslims, background then? The final message to
the Muslims is to wake up and grow
up and understand better how politics and power
works. Politics is not about being liked. That's
one of our fundamental mistakes. We act as
if
if we're liked by someone, then they'll protect
us. This is slave mentality. This is inferior
inferiority complex mental this colonized mentality. That's not
how politics and power works. You have to
be able to deliver a credible threat or
to be able to deliver something that the
other side needs. That's how power works. And
until we organize ourselves in order so that
we can actually do those things, we will
continue to be just a prop, whether it's
a prop of the right or the prop
or a prop of the left. We can
be propped by anybody. Right?
So we need to seriously think about power
and building power and the slow sort of
long march of doing it in a grassroots
way and not taking shortcuts and not thinking
that we're going to be able to just,
you know, throw up our hands or we're
just a minority or what, you know, that
none of that is relevant. Absolutely none of
that is relevant. Mhmm. But we have to
be sober
about how political power works.
We should be studying this thing. Right? In
other words,
Not even necessarily. We do need to be
unit we need to be organized, not united.
And why I say that is because people
use unity
to stop you from doing good things. They'll
always bring up, oh, you're being divisive. Oh,
you know, we need to we don't need
this disunity now. People have been using this
to attempt to stop accountability because there's a
whole
cadre of sellouts
and people who have not act
acted principally.
Right? And when you start to challenge them,
they say, well, brother brother, we need unity.
We don't need unity with everybody. I don't
need unity with you. If you're going to
sell out Palestine, I do not need unity
with you. Right? So what type of unity
do are we talking about? I would prefer
the term we need organization. We need to
organize our message, articulate what are our priorities,
what are our issues, how do they interact
with other issues. Like, what's our main three
issues and then another tier and then another
tier? We need to organize our money. We
need to start saying to to mosques how
much people should be giving in charity sadaqa
every year to politics.
Yes. We need to organize our people so
that we understand that, we know who we
have
in this health
care industry or in this sector or in
that sector. We need to organize our ability
to act so that if we had
if we wanted to do something where we
organized
15,000 people tomorrow,
what would it let's reverse it. What would
it take to be able to say we
wanna do we decide in 24 hours. We
want 15,000 of our people to do this
one thing at the same time. Even if
it's just like scratching their head at the
same time.
What backwards? Reverse engineer. What would it take
to get to that point? Okay?
The same thing with money. Let's say, if
we if we were able raise $1,000,000 in
24 hours, then we could liberate Palestine. Occupation
gone.
Okay? What reverse engineer that. What would it
take to develop the infrastructure, the political infrastructure,
the community infrastructure to get to that point?
Once we've done that, then we actually have
power.
Then you can say, okay. On October 5th,
every single Muslim health care worker in the
country is gonna walk out of the job,
and they will be terrified. They'll be shaking
their boots. They'll be the politicians will be
calling you. They'll be calling the mosque, talking
to the imam. Please, please, don't do this.
Please, what can we do? What can we
do? That's what political power looks like. Right?
But we have to organize in order to
get there. So organize, and it's better to
be feared than loved.
In a word, yes. Yeah. But Better to
be feared than liked. Yeah. Liked.
It was a pleasure.
And
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